So let’s take a step back and think about the situation in which America finds itself. The country has a debt problem. America’s ratio of gross government debt to GDP currently stands at about 99%. That’s not an absurdly high level for a rich country at the present time. It’s about 24% above Germany’s ratio and 20% above Britain’s. It’s 82% of Italy’s debt ratio, 66% of Greece’s, and less than half of Japan’s.

This is a high debt level, historically speaking. It’s also above the 90% threshold identified by Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff, above which debt impairs growth. And where most large European countries are expected to have falling debt-to-GDP ratios by about 2013, America’s ratio is projected to continue growing for the foreseeable future.

And that’s a problem. America’s deficit will narrow to close to primary balance by about 2016 which would stabilise debt if it were sustained. But there is a risk that America won’t get to primary balance, and there’s a risk that by the time it does debt will be large enough to spook markets. And then there is the really big risk that America will fail to get growing health care costs under control, such that beyond 2016 deficits once more gap out to levels that would push the debt-to-GDP ratio into dangerous territory.

Against this, one must set some offsetting pieces of information. American economic growth is generally quite hardy relative to that in other rich countries. The IMF projects that America will grow consistently faster than Europe over the next few years, and by 2016 America is forecast to grow at twice the German pace. This will make it easier to handle a given debt load. America’s demographics are relatively better than those elsewhere, and if immigration picks up post-crisis, the fiscal situation could begin to look much better. America is the issuer of the world’s dominant reserve currency and the world’s most plentiful safe asset. Foreigners hold huge stocks of dollars and Treasuries and other dollar-denominated securities, and they therefore have an incentive to support the dollar and Treasury prices. And many of the other available safe assets aren’t particularly attractive right now; as Gillian Tett put it in a conference last week, American yields are low not because American debt is winning a beauty contest but because it’s losing an ugly contest.

If America were to finally get its act together and address the fiscal situation, it would have a lot of room to make things better in a relatively easy fashion. America’s tax system is woefully inefficient. Improvements to the efficiency of the tax code would allow relatively small tax increases to generate substantial amounts of revenue. Other parts of the budget look hugely bloated relative to peer nations. American military spending dwarfs the spending of its allies and rivals alike. America spends a fortune on health care without doing much better on health outcomes. Its budget fixes would be painful in the sense that established interests hate to see change, but they would not be painful in the sense that there’s no fat to cut.

American debt is not out of control, in other words, and it’s fundamentally affordable, and there are good reasons to expect that its creditors are prepared to give America a lot of room to get its spending under control before giving up on dollars and Treasuries. The only question is: can America’s political system use this room to make the necessary policy changes?

The rain it raineth on the just
And also on the unjust fella.
But chiefly on the just because
The unjust steals the just’s umbrella.
— Charles Bowen (via Poetic Justice)

Maybe a Shutdown is What We Asked For

If the government shuts down after Friday, maybe that’s exactly what we deserve. This morning, Politico.com covers the budget impasse with an important glimpse at how the main players — Obama, Reid, and Boehner — approach these matters. While Reid is painted as a bit more open to bare-fisted political combat they are all characterized as essentially pragmatic, respected by both sides at the table, and interested in reaching an agreement. The story suggests — and it’s not the only one to pain these leaders with such a brush — that the disagreement isn’t about personal animus, but the interests these men represent.

The trouble is everyone else who isn’t at the table. As representatives of diverse parties which each have their own factions each of which has its own level of tolerance of compromise, these three men can only push their position so much. No matter how much good faith they demonstrate ultimately any agreement might be doomed if a large enough faction or one or the other or both parties jumps ship.

Its emblematic of where we’ve been politically for 20 years. While some have written that our nation’s partisan divide is more about politicians than the public (e.g.), there does seem to be a certain intractability to the positions staked out by many on the right and left. If that assumption is true, it would make it difficult for men and women of good faith (and deeply-held principle) who represent parties and people to get things done. That makes the impasse we’re seeing with the budget an apt expression of the deeper divide we face.

The less-than-serious faction of the Republican Party is intent on squeezing more savings out of the 2011 budget or pursuing a government shutdown as an end in itself. Some of this bloc is composed of House freshmen, who share the unrealistic expectations of the Tea Party base — the undoing of modern government by one-half of one branch of that government. Others are more senior members of the Republican caucus — representatives such as Mike Pence and Michele Bachmann — who seek to raise their profiles by establishing themselves as rebel leaders.

Even by the most exacting conservative standards, the contrast of ambition and sophistication should be clear. Ryan Republicans are talking about trillions in eventual entitlement savings that would release America from perpetual debt and allow some room for future discretionary spending. They are proposing a series of broad structural reforms, each of which will be a plank in the 2012 Republican platform. Pence Republicans seek billions in savings achieved through a strategy that, in 1995, helped rescue the Clinton presidency. Their policy platform shows all the creativity and strategic positioning of a stop sign.”

It is an extra dividend when you like the girl you’ve fallen in love with.
— Clark Gable

Pictures from around Old Town Alexandria.

The protection in FOIA against disclosure of law enforcement information on the ground that it would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy does not extend to corporations. We trust that AT&T will not take it personally.
We are what we repeatedly do.
— Aristotle

Moot court at federal courthouse in New York.